Walk through any contemporary city center and observe what remains of public life. Shopping malls designed as simulacra of town squares, complete with security guards monitoring loitering. Parks surrounded by surveillance cameras, governed by ordinances prohibiting everything from sleeping to amplified speech. Plazas engineered to discourage lingering through hostile architecture—benches with armrests preventing lying down, surfaces sloped to resist sitting. These are spaces that appear public while systematically precluding the conditions that make genuine public encounter possible.
The erosion of public space represents more than urban planning failure or commercial encroachment. It signals a fundamental transformation in how we conceive human togetherness and its possibilities. Hannah Arendt understood that public space—the realm where we appear before others as distinct individuals engaged in common concern—constitutes the very condition for political existence. Without such spaces, we lose not merely convenience but the capacity for the kind of action and speech through which humans disclose who they are and create shared worlds.
This disappearance accelerates precisely as we spend increasing hours in ostensibly public digital forums. Yet these platforms, despite their rhetoric of connection and community, operate according to logics fundamentally hostile to public freedom. Understanding how both physical and digital environments now preclude genuine publicity reveals not pessimistic inevitability but the specific conditions any authentic public space must satisfy—and points toward practical possibilities for their creation.
Privatization of the Common
Consider the transformation of the shopping mall from retail convenience to de facto town center. As genuine public spaces disappeared—defunded, neglected, or deliberately eliminated—privately owned commercial environments absorbed functions once performed by streets, squares, and parks. People meet, socialize, and pass time in malls not from preference but from absence of alternatives. Yet these spaces impose conditions antithetical to public freedom: behavioral codes enforced by private security, prohibition of political speech or demonstration, exclusion of those deemed commercially undesirable.
This privatization extends far beyond malls. Business Improvement Districts now govern substantial urban territories, imposing private regulations on nominally public streets. Universities—once vital spaces for free encounter and political speech—increasingly manage their grounds as private property, requiring permits for assembly and restricting access. Even parks, ostensibly the paradigm of public space, operate under proliferating restrictions: designated areas for specific activities, permits required for gatherings above minimal size, prohibitions on behaviors associated with poverty or homelessness.
The logic driving this transformation appears as neutral concern for safety and order. Who could object to clean streets, well-maintained facilities, environments free from harassment? Yet this framing obscures what disappears: the essential unpredictability of genuine public encounter. Public space, properly understood, is precisely where we meet those unlike ourselves, encounter perspectives we haven't chosen, witness ways of being we might otherwise never confront. Safety achieved through homogeneity and control eliminates the public dimension entirely.
What emerges are spaces of administered sociability—environments designed for predictable interactions serving predetermined purposes. The food court facilitates consumption. The corporate plaza provides lunch seating for office workers. The managed park offers recreational amenities for approved activities. None permits the spontaneous assembly, unexpected encounter, or unpredictable speech that characterizes authentic publicity. We move through these spaces as consumers and users, never as citizens capable of initiating something new.
The physical design of contemporary environments embeds these restrictions materially. Hostile architecture—those spikes preventing sitting, benches designed to prevent sleeping, surfaces hostile to skateboarding—represents merely the visible edge of systematic spatial discipline. More subtle interventions shape behavior without obvious prohibition: lighting levels that discourage lingering, acoustic design that makes conversation difficult, sight lines that facilitate surveillance. The space itself communicates what activities and what people belong, requiring no explicit rule to achieve exclusion.
TakeawayWhen you notice restrictions in seemingly public spaces—from permit requirements to hostile architecture—recognize these as symptoms of privatization that eliminates the unpredictable encounters essential to genuine public life.
Digital Publics as Simulation
As physical public spaces disappeared, digital platforms emerged claiming to provide superior alternatives. Social media promised unprecedented connection—anyone could speak, anyone could listen, geography no longer constrained encounter. The public sphere, fragmented and diminished in physical space, would reconstitute itself online, more accessible and democratic than any ancient agora. This narrative, repeated by platform advocates and technology optimists, fundamentally misunderstands what public space requires and what digital platforms actually provide.
Genuine public space operates according to what we might call principles of appearance. When I enter a public square, I appear before others who appear before me. This mutual visibility creates accountability—I cannot speak without being seen speaking, cannot act without my action being witnessed. Others encounter me as an embodied presence with history, context, and consequence. The space itself is common; no one controls who may enter or what may be said. These conditions make possible the distinctive human activities of political speech and action.
Digital platforms systematically violate each condition. Users appear not as embodied presences but as curated profiles, performing identity rather than disclosing it. The common space is actually private property, governed by terms of service that permit arbitrary exclusion and content removal. Most fundamentally, algorithmic mediation determines what appears to whom, fragmenting any common world into personalized feeds optimized for engagement rather than understanding. Two people in the same digital space inhabit entirely different informational environments.
The consequences for public discourse prove devastating. Without common ground—literally, without space we genuinely share—political speech loses its essential function of disclosing shared concerns to mutual attention. Instead, we broadcast into algorithmic void, never certain who receives our words or in what context. Responses arrive stripped of the embodied presence that would temper them; we encounter not persons but positions, not individuals but avatars. The accountability that physical presence imposes disappears, replaced by the peculiar combination of exhibitionism and anonymity that characterizes online interaction.
What platforms call community represents something closer to its opposite: aggregations of individuals sorted by preference and behavior, interacting through interfaces designed to maximize engagement metrics. The filter bubble isn't merely an information problem but a spatial one—we have lost the common world where different perspectives might actually encounter each other. Digital publics simulate the appearance of public encounter while eliminating its conditions and possibilities, leaving us more connected and more isolated simultaneously.
TakeawayDigital platforms structurally prevent genuine public encounter because algorithmic mediation eliminates the common world—the shared space where different perspectives actually meet—that makes democratic discourse possible.
Creating Commons
Recognizing the disappearance of public space need not yield to despair. Understanding the specific conditions authentic publicity requires enables deliberate creation of commons under contemporary circumstances. This demands neither nostalgia for idealized past spaces nor technological rejection but rather practical attention to what genuine public encounter needs and how those needs might be satisfied today.
Physical commons can still be established and defended. Community gardens operate as genuine public spaces—common resources requiring collective governance, open to diverse participants, enabling unexpected encounter. Certain libraries maintain authentic public character, welcoming all without behavioral prerequisites, providing space for activities their administrators didn't anticipate. Street festivals and temporary autonomous zones create ephemeral but real publicity. The key lies in recognizing that public space is made, not found—it emerges from specific practices of common use and collective governance rather than existing as natural feature.
Digital commons require more radical intervention since current platforms are structurally hostile to genuine publicity. Yet alternatives exist and can be expanded. Federated social networks like Mastodon distribute control, preventing any single entity from governing the common space. Community-owned platforms can operate according to democratic governance rather than engagement optimization. Perhaps most importantly, recognizing digital spaces as incapable of replacing physical publicity redirects energy toward defending and creating embodied commons.
The essential insight is that public space doesn't require massive scale or official designation. A regular gathering in someone's living room, open to whoever arrives, governed by norms of mutual respect, provides more authentic publicity than any platform claiming billions of users. The question isn't how to recreate the agora or the town square but how to establish, wherever we are, the conditions for genuine appearance before others: common space not privately controlled, absence of algorithmic mediation, embodied presence enabling accountability, openness to unexpected encounter.
Creating commons also means political struggle against forces driving privatization. Opposing hostile architecture, demanding genuine public facilities, resisting the enclosure of common resources—these aren't merely urbanist concerns but essential conditions for democratic existence. Every space defended against privatization, every commons established against enclosure, represents not only practical achievement but demonstration that alternatives remain possible. The disappearance of public space is a historical process, not natural law, and historical processes can be interrupted and reversed.
TakeawayGenuine public space emerges from specific practices—common resources, collective governance, openness to unexpected encounter—that can be deliberately created at any scale, from neighborhood gatherings to federated digital networks.
The disappearance of public space represents neither inevitable progress nor irreversible decline but a specific historical transformation with identifiable causes and potential remedies. Privatization converts commons into controlled environments serving particular interests. Digital simulation offers the appearance of publicity while eliminating its conditions. Together, these forces erode the spatial foundations democratic existence requires.
Yet understanding these dynamics reveals possibilities rather than merely documenting loss. Every authentic public space demonstrates that privatization isn't total, that alternatives persist. The conditions genuine publicity requires—common space, embodied presence, freedom from algorithmic mediation, openness to encounter—can be established deliberately wherever people commit to creating them.
The question facing us isn't whether public space will return to some previous form but whether we will create the commons our moment requires. This represents neither utopian demand nor nostalgic fantasy but practical political and spatial work: defending what remains, building what's needed, demonstrating through action that human beings can still appear before one another as citizens rather than merely as consumers and users.