The charge is familiar and formidable: universal human rights are Western imperialism dressed in philosophical clothing. Cultural relativists argue that what counts as a right depends entirely on cultural context—that imposing external standards violates the very autonomy rights discourse claims to protect. This challenge deserves serious engagement, not dismissal.
The relativist critique draws strength from genuine historical wrongs. Colonial powers did weaponize civilizational rhetoric to justify domination. Western states have selectively invoked human rights to advance geopolitical interests while ignoring abuses by allies. The language of universalism has served particular interests while claiming to speak for all humanity. These facts cannot be wished away.
Yet taking cultural difference seriously does not require abandoning universal protections. The sophisticated defender of human rights must navigate between naive universalism that ignores context and radical relativism that abandons the possibility of cross-cultural moral critique. This navigation reveals that relativist arguments, however initially compelling, ultimately undermine themselves—while pointing toward a more defensible universalism that accommodates legitimate pluralism without surrendering core protections.
The Strongest Relativist Arguments
Begin with the most sophisticated versions of cultural relativism, not caricatures. The epistemological argument holds that moral knowledge is culturally embedded—we cannot access a view from nowhere to adjudicate between competing value systems. The ontological argument contends that human nature itself is culturally constructed, so there exists no universal human subject to ground universal rights.
The political argument cuts deeper still. International human rights regimes emerged from post-World War II Western institutions. The Universal Declaration was drafted primarily by European and American philosophers drawing on Western liberal traditions. Non-Western voices were marginal to its creation. This genealogy, critics argue, fatally compromises claims to universality.
Consider the strongest formulation: if rights require justification, and justification requires shared premises, and cultures lack such shared premises, then cross-cultural rights claims are either groundless or coercive. Appealing to human reason simply begs the question—whose conception of reason? Which traditions of rational inquiry?
The anthropological evidence complicates easy universalism. Communitarian societies genuinely prioritize collective welfare over individual autonomy. Some cultures locate moral standing in relational roles rather than abstract personhood. Honor-based systems operate with different assumptions about dignity than liberal frameworks. These are not merely different means to shared ends but genuinely alternative moral worldviews.
Relativists strengthen their case by noting that even within the rights tradition, fundamental disagreements persist. Natural rights theorists, contractarians, and capability theorists disagree about the foundations of human rights. If philosophers within the tradition cannot achieve consensus, how can they claim authority over traditions with entirely different starting points?
TakeawayThe strongest challenge to universal rights comes not from denying morality but from taking moral diversity seriously—claiming that genuine respect for difference precludes imposing external standards.
Resources Within Traditions
The internal critique response reveals that cultures are neither monolithic nor static. Every tradition contains dissenting voices, minority perspectives, and internal debates about justice. When governments invoke cultural authenticity to deflect human rights criticism, they typically speak for dominant groups while silencing internal opposition.
Consider the claim that Asian values prioritize community over individual rights. This argument gained prominence through statements by Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Malaysia's Mahathir Mohamad—political leaders with obvious interests in deflecting criticism of authoritarian practices. Meanwhile, Asian dissidents, feminists, and labor activists drew on both traditional and imported resources to challenge these regimes.
The same pattern recurs globally. Those invoking cultural relativism against women's rights are rarely women themselves. Claims about traditional African values often silence African human rights activists who draw on indigenous concepts of ubuntu to ground dignity claims. The cultural authenticity argument serves those with power to define what counts as authentic.
Internal pluralism extends to interpretive traditions. Islamic scholars disagree profoundly about human rights compatibility. Hindu philosophers debate caste and dignity. Confucian thinkers contest whether the tradition supports or undermines individual protections. These debates demonstrate that cultures possess resources for self-critique.
Furthermore, cultures have always been in dialogue and exchange. No tradition developed in hermetic isolation. Contemporary rights discourse itself incorporates non-Western influences—from Gandhi's civil disobedience to anti-colonial liberation movements. The notion of pure cultural boundaries requiring protection from external influence is itself a fiction that serves particular interests.
TakeawayClaims of cultural consensus typically reflect the power to define the culture, not genuine agreement—and every tradition contains internal resources for questioning dominant interpretations.
Distinguishing Legitimate Pluralism
Defeating relativism does not require imposing uniform practices across all societies. A sophisticated universalism distinguishes between core protections that admit no cultural exception and implementation details where legitimate variation exists. This distinction preserves space for pluralism while maintaining meaningful universal standards.
Consider the prohibition on torture. No cultural context renders the deliberate infliction of severe suffering on helpless persons acceptable. Arguments invoking traditional punishment practices either misdescribe the practice, appeal to contested interpretations, or simply reveal that some traditions contain elements requiring reform. Cultural explanation does not equal cultural justification.
Rights to political participation admit more variation. Democracy can take multiple institutional forms—parliamentary or presidential systems, federal or unitary structures, different electoral mechanisms. The core commitment to meaningful voice in collective decisions constraining one's life can be realized through diverse arrangements suited to different contexts.
Gender equality illustrates the distinction's practical importance. The fundamental principle that women possess equal moral status admits no cultural exception. Yet this principle does not dictate specific family structures, inheritance rules, or social arrangements. Multiple paths exist toward societies where women exercise genuine agency over their lives.
The capabilities approach, developed by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum, offers one framework for navigating this terrain. It identifies central human capabilities—life, bodily integrity, practical reason, affiliation, and others—whose protection constitutes minimal conditions for human dignity. These capabilities are abstract enough to accommodate diverse realization while concrete enough to ground cross-cultural critique.
TakeawayUniversal human rights require distinguishing non-negotiable core protections from the many legitimate ways different societies can institutionalize and interpret those protections.
Cultural relativism contains a self-undermining logic. If all moral claims are culturally relative, so is the claim that we should respect cultural difference. The relativist cannot consistently hold that tolerance is universally required while denying universal moral claims. The position collapses into either inconsistency or a might-makes-right nihilism that serves oppressors, not the vulnerable.
The legitimate concerns motivating relativism—resisting imperialism, respecting difference, acknowledging historical wrongs—are better served by a reflexive universalism that learns from cross-cultural dialogue. Such dialogue requires that no culture claim exemption from critique, including Western liberal societies. Human rights apply to drone strikes and mass incarceration as much as to practices elsewhere.
What emerges is not triumphalist universalism but a more humble and robust alternative. Universal protections exist not because Western philosophy discovered eternal truths but because human vulnerability is universal, power everywhere tends toward abuse, and certain protections have proven necessary across wildly different contexts. The defense of human rights need not rest on metaphysical foundations—it rests on learning what humans everywhere require to live with minimal dignity.